By Robert R. Tomes
Prior to the Vietnam battle, American highbrow existence rested conveniently on shared assumptions and infrequently universal beliefs. Intellectuals mostly supported the social and financial reforms of the Thirties, the conflict opposed to Hitler's Germany, and U.S. behavior in the course of the chilly conflict. via the early Sixties, a liberal highbrow consensus existed.
The struggle in Southeast Asia shattered this fragile coalition, which briskly dissolved into a variety of camps, every one of which wondered American associations, values, and beliefs. Robert R. Tomes sheds new gentle at the loss of life of chilly battle liberalism and the advance of the hot Left, and the regular progress of a conservatism that used Vietnam, and anti-war sentiment, as a rallying element. Importantly, Tomes presents new proof that neoconservatism retreated from internationalism due principally to Vietnam, basically to regroup later with considerably decreased pursuits and expectations.
Covering mammoth archival terrain, Apocalypse Then stands because the definitive account of the impression of the Vietnam struggle on American highbrow lifestyles.
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Extra resources for Apocalypse Then: American Intellectuals and the Vietnam War, 1954-1975
In fact, his style contains so much hyperbolic Cold War rhetoric that one may safely label it propaganda. ”22 John Paul Jones or Chester Nimitz may have disagreed. Then, echoing strains of the American Puritan tradition, Schmid also celebrated the fact that on board Navy ships, “the ﬁrst thing the refugees saw dangling over their heads . . ”23 Equating sanitation with virtue, he failed to perceive the obvious cultural and linguistic barriers involved. The refugees were using waste disposal facilities for washing.
23 Equating sanitation with virtue, he failed to perceive the obvious cultural and linguistic barriers involved. The refugees were using waste disposal facilities for washing. “Loudspeakers bellowed in Vietnamese . .
He, and liberals in general, predicated their arguments on common assumptions, both implicit and explicit, and systematically proselytized accordingly. First, the moral right of the United States to help the South Vietnamese government and noncommunist Vietnamese peoples was indisputable. American policy was both humanitarian in practice and driven by altruistic ideals. Second, the French, who were leaving Vietnam, were morally and practically inferior to Americans, and had never given democracy a true chance.
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